Some diplomats ironically note that the institutions of the European Union are increasingly beginning to resemble "Game of Thrones", writes the newspaper "Pais".
An increasingly fierce and open struggle for control over diplomacy is taking place in Brussels. There are no bloodshed and "red weddings", but as in the series based on the fantasy novels of George R. R. Martin, everything revolves around control over the levers of power, the struggle for influence and the political narrative. In this war, the rivalry between European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaia Kallas, is becoming increasingly fierce. Behind this bureaucratic dispute, in which friction is building over appointments, political positions and agendas, lies a much deeper institutional war over who controls European foreign policy in the most turbulent and volatile period for Europe since World War II.
"These petty conflicts and backroom maneuvers are doing serious damage to EU diplomacy. They do not create a good image," said a senior source in the European institutions and a veteran of Brussels. In recent days, the crisis between the head of the European Commission, the German conservative Ursula von der Leyen, and the head of European diplomacy, the Estonian liberal Kaia Kallas, has emerged from the corridors of the Brussels political bubble and into the public spotlight.
Last week, an article in the "Financial Times" about alleged plans by Germany and France to change the architecture of power in European foreign policy was perceived in Brussels as a direct attack on Kallas. Or rather, as a sign that von der Leyen - who has been reforming the Commission since the start of her second term in 2024 and has been concentrating unprecedented influence - is seeking a kind of hostile takeover to bring the European External Action Service (EEAS) under her control.
Here, one must read between the lines. Especially since the European treaties are clear: the High Representative leads foreign and security policy, can make proposals on these issues, implements the decisions of the member states - which retain control - and must coordinate the EU's external action. Moreover, France has actually proposed various options for increasing the effectiveness of European diplomacy - from granting more powers to the EEAS to reforming it or even more closely integrating part of it - the one related to the vice-presidency, also held by Kallas - into the European Commission, according to a French document.
The treaties outline a Europe with distributed powers, but the crises of the last decade - from the pandemic to Russia's war on Ukraine, the rift with the US and the rivalry with China - have brought von der Leyen to the forefront in foreign policy as well. She has also reformed the European Commission and appointed commissioners whose portfolios extend into foreign policy areas such as defence - whose Commissioner Andrius Kubilius believes his powers extend "beyond" his official competence in the industrial part of the portfolio, as criticized by diplomatic sources - or international cooperation, among others.
The German conservative has built her system of governance as a highly centralized structure. According to her critics, she has gradually created parallel centers of power within the Commission - from the new Directorate-General IDEA, dealing with strategic planning and perspectives, but used for the president's initiatives, to an intelligence analysis unit, although the EU already has such a structure. The latter, however, is subordinate to the EEAS, that is, to the structure headed by Kallas.
The rivalry between Von der Leyen and Kallas became apparent last fall, when the former Estonian prime minister wanted to attract Martin Selmayr - former chief of staff of Jean-Claude Juncker, Von der Leyen's predecessor. He is a man of enormous influence and experience, whom the German conservative promptly sent away from Brussels as soon as she took office. The appointment of Selmayr to the EEAS proved impossible. Von der Leyen removed him from the equation by creating the post of special envoy for religious freedom.
"The relationship between the European External Action Service, the Commission and the Member States has been under discussion since the establishment of the service," Kallas wrote in an email to her staff on Friday after the controversy erupted. "Given the unprecedented geopolitical challenges we face, it is natural that these debates should once again take on importance and become more intense," she said, recalling that the functions and responsibilities of the EU institutions are clearly defined in the treaties. "We also know that the system could work better and with less duplication here in Brussels," the Estonian added.
"The External Action Service is part of the institutions that implement the policies of the European Union, and therefore our President clearly supports it and the work it does," a European Commission spokesman said of the tension in the European capital.
There is also dissatisfaction with the situation among member states, diplomatic sources acknowledge. Some complain about the "gluttony" of von der Leyen, who has already been criticized for some of her foreign policy initiatives, such as her visit to Israel during the siege of Gaza.
Others have openly expressed their disappointment with the way Kallas works. Many are not satisfied with her work. There are those who believe that the Estonian is too "one-sided" - a criticism that has also been levelled by other institutions, notably the Commission, at Russia. Others point to a number of her blunders, such as poorly worded criticism of China. "If you suffer from a very serious illness, like cancer, you have two options: increase the dose of morphine or start chemotherapy", she said of the EU's dependence on Beijing. Some even criticise her position on Israel, which is actually relatively moderate. Others believe that she is not sufficiently familiar with Middle East-related issues.
Alberto Alemanno, professor of European Union law and head of the "Jean Monnet" chair at the Ecole Supérieure de Commerce in Paris, stresses that while the tension between von der Leyen and Callas is real, something deeper and more serious lies beneath it. He speaks of a "structural dysfunction" in the architecture of the Lisbon Treaty - one of the EU's key documents, which reformed the way the Union functions. "The figure of the High Representative was created as a hybrid between the European Commission and the European Council to satisfy member states that wanted to preserve the intergovernmental nature of foreign policy, while giving pro-European forces the feeling of a more united voice," he believes.
This is a problem that is perhaps more clearly visible now with Kallas, but in fact has been evident from the very beginning with all four holders of the post since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 - Britain's Catherine Ashton, Italy's Federica Mogherini, Spain's Josep Borrell and Estonia's Kaia Kallas since December 2024, Alemanno emphasizes.
Socialist MEP Javi López is highly critical. "The institutional tensions in Brussels have weakened our foreign policy. "Personal and institutional clashes, multiple and contradictory positions and excessive centralisation of decision-making have led to dysfunctions that Europe cannot afford," he points out. "Problems in political coordination are solved through shared leadership, respect for the competences of each institution and reforms achieved by consensus; dismantling strategic capabilities is something else entirely," notes the socialist, who is one of the vice-presidents of the European Parliament.
Behind the covert war between Von der Leyen and Kallas, there is actually a growing anxiety in European capitals - the feeling that institutions created for an era of consensus are not prepared for a world of confrontation between great powers.