Rumen Radev will be forced to reveal his cards. Whatever he does, some of his voters will be disappointed. Therefore, it is better for him to do what is moral and fair. By Daniel Smilov.
Rumen Radev came to power with an impressive mandate in terms of support, but paradoxical in terms of content. On the one hand, many voted for him because they could no longer tolerate the arrogance and cynicism of the government based on the "Borisov-Peevski" model. These were some of the people at the many-thousand rallies at the end of 2025, and especially those who finally wanted a clear majority in parliament without GERB and DPS. On the other hand, Radev mobilized anti-European voters and supporters of Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine for his victory. A month and a half after the start of the new government, however, tension is beginning to be felt between the two different mandates that the voters gave him.
Boyko Borisov evaluates as "very masterful" the way in which Radev deals with the tension. According to him, the current prime minister speaks and does one thing in the EU (continuing sanctions on Russia and voting for them to be year-round), and for internal use he questions some of the new proposals - such as sanctions against the Russian Patriarch Kirill or the co-owner of "Lukoil" Vagit Alekperov. For Borisov, this is high political aerobatics.
Every praise from Borisov to an opponent is like a Danaan gift - there is always something hidden in it. Here, what is hidden in the message of the GERB leader is that Radev actually leads a pro-European policy, but says something else. But the bigger problem is that Borisov praises Radev's behavior, which can be perceived as cynical. It is cynical if you say one thing and do another, realizing that this discrepancy between words and deeds is advantageous to you.
This situation, although praised by Borisov, is actually disadvantageous for Radev. His legitimacy requires that people perceive him not as a skilled political cynic and pragmatist (like Borisov and Peevski), but as a politician of principle and conviction, who not only does the right thing, but is also honest and open to his voters. Solving this very task may prove impossible due to the double mandate that Radev received from the voters. He will be forced to reveal his cards. Whatever he does, some of his voters will be disappointed. Therefore, it is better for Radev to do what is moral and fair, and not to allow a discrepancy between words and deeds.
The War Against Ukraine
With regard to Ukraine, Rumen Radev takes a position that can be recognized as cynical. First, the new government stops military aid (which was soon discontinued anyway), but continues to export military production to Ukraine for a fee. Second, Radev claims to be for peace (i.e., ending the war), but he clearly has no idea how Putin can be made to sit at the negotiating table. If everyone stops military aid to Ukraine, it will surely capitulate and that will end the war, but is that Radev's plan? Probably not, because it is not only immoral, but also highly disadvantageous for Bulgaria - why do we need an aggressive Russia on the Romanian border? It is no coincidence that Kant demanded that people be guided by rules that can be followed by all other rational beings. If everyone follows Radev's rule, Ukraine will simply capitulate and everyone in the EU (and not only) will have to wonder how to urgently guarantee their security against an imperial-minded, militarized dictatorship.
The same applies to the proposed sanctions against the Russian Patriarch Kirill and Vagit Alekperov. By opposing them, in the one case Radev seems to appoint himself as the guarantor of Orthodoxy, and this must appeal to some of his voters. But which Orthodoxy is this? Aren't Greece, Romania, and Ukraine itself also concerned about Orthodoxy? Is Orthodoxy symbolized precisely by a priest who served in the KGB, who has repeatedly approved and praised Russia's aggressive war? And what does the Liberation of Bulgaria in the 19th century have to do with all this?
As for Alekperov, the assumption that the Bulgarian position on the issue of sanctions will make "Lukoil" withdraw its claim against Bulgaria or demand less money is curious. It is better to prepare seriously for this arbitration case and legally guarantee our interests and the interests of the owners of the Burgas refinery. And the international sanctions (including those from the US) against "Lukoil" will probably not be lifted and some kind of special management regime will continue to be necessary.
Radev probably understands well that Ukraine is the victim of aggression in the war. And from this it follows that it is right to assist the unjustly attacked. All other arguments such as the arbitration case against "Lukoil" and the protection of Orthodoxy and peace by suspending aid to Ukraine actually collapse under their own weight. Russia's failures on the front help to realize the morally correct position. And ultimately, Radev probably feels that his current position on the Ukrainian issue may in the medium term undermine his legitimacy as a politician of principle, which he undoubtedly wants to be.
The fight against corruption
The other main battle of the new government is with corruption and the "Borisov-Peevsky" model. Things are moving slowly here, with the main hopes being placed on the adoption of new laws and the election of a new Supreme Judicial Council, which will then elect a new prosecutor general.
The problem with this approach is that while these preparatory works are underway, the "Borisov-Peevski" model in the prosecution and judiciary is actually surviving and regrouping. Sarafov ceded his post to his associate. Prosecutor Emilia Rusinova, who is associated with Petyo Euroto, continues to head a key institution. Petyo Euroto himself was sentenced to a ridiculous fine of several thousand euros. Meanwhile, it became clear that magistrates were massively, systematically and without reason eavesdropped by the services, which created a gigantic array of data, some of which probably flowed to brokers like Euroto and Notary.
The situation from this point of view is critical. The problem is systemic and it affects not only the judiciary, but also the Ministry of Interior and the services. That is, the government can and should launch a serious and comprehensive investigation into abuse of power and authority. It is true that the prosecutor's office controls every investigation. But it is true that the Ministry of Interior and the services can extract information that would force the prosecutor's office to take action, albeit reluctantly. This is not happening, and this is precisely why there is doubt that the new government could come to an agreement with the status quo in the courts, prosecutor's office and services, which would start serving it at the expense of former patrons like Borisov and Peevski. This would be perceived as the height of cynicism and Radev should do everything possible to prevent such doubts.
Will Radev's halo lighten?
A month and a half is not a long time, but it is indicative of the directions and way of thinking of the new rulers. Part of the problem may lie in something that many have noticed. In the election campaign, the ambiguity and lack of specificity on some issues worked in favor of Rumen Radev. However, maintaining ambivalence in the current situation of governing with a large parliamentary majority works against the prime minister.
On the one hand, this ambivalence creates uncertainty domestically and bewilderment on the part of Bulgaria's partners in the EU and NATO. On the other hand, the lack of clarity and the discrepancy between words and deeds are reminiscent of that cynical and pragmatic type of politician familiar to Bulgarians.
Radev still benefits from the halo of the serious vote he received. But if he does not take into account the dynamics at stake, the halo may quickly lighten and merge with the landscape.
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This text expresses the author's opinion and may not coincide with the positions of the Bulgarian editorial office and the State News Agency as a whole.